Bulgaria’s Socialist Party (BSP), a once-dominant force in the country’s politics, is grappling with a dramatic decline in support and an increasingly uncertain future. after a decade-long erosion of it’s base and a controversial year in coalition with former rivals, the party now faces the prospect of being sidelined as Bulgaria prepares for unscheduled elections. Internal divisions are mounting as the BSP attempts a last-minute ideological reset, hoping to regain voters with a return to its leftist roots.
The Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) is facing a potential collapse, a stark contrast to its former prominence as a major political force. Once commanding nearly 1 million voters a decade ago, the party secured fewer than 200,000 votes in the October 2024 elections, entering parliament only due to low voter turnout. Now, after a year in power alongside the GERB party and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms, the BSP risks being sidelined from Bulgaria’s political landscape.
The BSP’s decline began years ago, with a shift away from its traditional leftist ideology in the early 2000s – a move exemplified by the introduction of flat tax rates under a BSP-led government. Under the long-term leadership of Kornelia Ninova, the party further drifted towards a conservative and nationalist stance.
The party’s rhetoric devolved into attacks on “gender ideology” and an emphasis on the “traditional family.” “Democratic socialism” became a forgotten concept, leading opponents to derisively refer to the BSP as the “Former Socialist Party.” This ideological shift alienated its core base.
Over time, left-leaning voters in Bulgaria felt increasingly estranged from the BSP and began to seek representation elsewhere. The party also suffered from the fallout of two previous governments formed in coalition with the controversial Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS). Years of what supporters viewed as a weak opposition to the GERB party further eroded public trust.
By 2021, many BSP supporters had grown disillusioned with the party establishment. Two-thirds of its electorate had moved to other political formations – There Is Such a People, We Continue the Change, and Vazrazhdane – or stopped voting altogether. The BSP was reduced to a minor party, barely clearing the parliamentary threshold and entering government only through opportunistic coalitions.
The latest blow came with the coalition agreement with GERB. For over a decade, the BSP positioned itself as an alternative to the “Borisov model” of governance. Following Ninova’s removal from the party leadership, that position was reversed. The election of Atanas Zafirov as party leader in early 2025, and his subsequent acceptance of the position of Deputy Prime Minister in a GERB-led government, solidified the shift. Zafirov became a symbol of the party’s alignment with its former rivals, even photographed entering the office of Delian Peevski, a prominent figure within the DPS. The BSP subsequently appeared to faithfully follow the objectives and directives of the ruling coalition.
During its year in power alongside GERB and the DPS, BSP officials justified the alliance by claiming it brought political stability to the country and that the party served as a “social vector” within the government. However, the stability argument quickly unraveled when Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov resigned following protests. The “social vector” proved largely symbolic, with few of the proposed social measures attributable to the BSP’s influence.
Ultimately, the BSP appeared willing to align itself with GERB and the DPS simply to remain in power. This willingness to compromise principles has left the party facing an uncertain future.
Now, facing unscheduled elections for which it is unprepared and widespread public disapproval, the BSP is scrambling for a solution. The party has opted to replace Zafirov and attempt to revitalize its platform with the leftist ideology it abandoned years ago – essentially a cosmetic makeover hoping to attract voters.
An emergency party congress has been convened at the urging of Ivan Takov, a deputy chairman of the BSP and head of the party’s powerful Sofia organization, to select a new leader. Takov had previously stated that Zafirov’s leadership would be “transitional.” He is also leading the committee tasked with drafting the new election platform, and represents a faction within the party that still uses terms like “class struggle.” The party also recently unveiled a monument to Georgi Dimitrov, a former communist leader. The question remains whether there are enough voters left who share that perspective.
Those around Zafirov are unhappy with the need to defend their positions at the party congress. A poor showing in the upcoming elections could lead to further divisions within the party. External interests – from Delian Peevski, President Rumen Radev, and former leader Kornelia Ninova – are also vying for influence over the BSP’s future. With little remaining strength, the party is at risk of being torn apart.
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