A new report from Human Rights Watch (HRW), to be officially presented Wednesday, warns of a deepening trend of authoritarianism across Latin America, exacerbated by the return of Donald Trump to the White House last year. The report details concerning developments including extrajudicial killings,the detention of migrants,and the erosion of support for civil society-raising fears about the state of democracy in the region.HRW’s Americas director,Juanita Goebertus,expressed deep pessimism about a near-term democratic transition in Venezuela,citing a recent U.S. military operation as consolidating the existing regime rather than fostering change.
The return of Donald Trump to the White House last year and the subsequent decisions of his administration have exacerbated a trend toward authoritarianism already taking hold in Latin America, according to a new report by Human Rights Watch (HRW). The findings, to be officially presented on Wednesday, paint a concerning picture of democratic backsliding across the region.
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In an exclusive interview, Juanita Goebertus, Americas director for HRW, discussed the regional outlook and expressed deep pessimism about a near-term democratic transition in Venezuela.
Goebertus stated that the recent U.S. military operation that led to the capture of Nicolás Maduro and his wife, rather than opening a path to democracy, has instead consolidated the authoritarian structure in Venezuela by leaving its repressive apparatus intact. “As long as they can extract oil and return migrants,” she said, “I fear very little will change in Venezuela under Trump.”
Juanita Goebertus, directora para las Américas de Human Rights Watch. Photo:José Orozco / diario La Hora (Guatemala)
The central theme of the chapter on Latin America is the negative influence that HRW believes Trump is having on the region. How is this being observed?
Table of Contents
- The central theme of the chapter on Latin America is the negative influence that HRW believes Trump is having on the region. How is this being observed?
- This trend has been supported by several governments…
- The report suggests that the January 3rd military intervention in Venezuela could consolidate the dictatorship in the country. Why is this being argued, despite the U.S. framing it as a step toward democracy?
- Are there any positive effects to be found?
- Regarding Colombia, you conclude that Petro’s policy of “total peace” has resulted in greater control by illegal groups in rural communities. With Petro nearing the end of his term, does this equate to a failure of the initiative?
- The report notes that the U.S. often criticizes systematic human rights violations in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua, but ignores serious abuses in El Salvador, Ecuador, and Peru. Does this suggest a different valuation of human rights violations depending on where they occur?
- From HRW’s perspective, what is the main threat facing the region?
- What is your warning?
- How do Brazil and Mexico, the two largest countries in Latin America, stand in relation to Trump’s influence and the human rights situation in their own countries?
- What have Brazil and Mexico prioritized?
- What is your assessment of advances or setbacks in human rights in the U.S. during this first year of Trump?
- On a more global level, your director, Philippe Bolopion, speaks of the advance of authoritarianism and states that reversing this trend is the crusade of an entire generation. Is the situation really that serious?
- Is there any country or situation in the region that gives you hope?
Latin America already had a high degree of authoritarianism before Trump’s return to office. However, his actions and influence have deepened the deterioration. This is evident in several ways: first, through direct U.S. action, including the extrajudicial killings of more than 120 Latin Americans in Caribbean and Pacific waters. Second, through a foreign policy of retaliatory tariffs and threats of territorial expansion, which led countries like Panama and Costa Rica to arbitrarily detain hundreds of migrants and asylum seekers from countries such as Afghanistan, Iran, and China. Third, through the absence of the U.S. as a guarantor of human rights in the region and the withdrawal of support for civil society organizations and independent journalism. This has paved the way for the passage of anti-NGO laws in Peru, El Salvador, and Ecuador, which had previously been blocked by U.S. embassies at the local level.
Today, 72 percent of the global population lives under autocracies.
This trend has been supported by several governments…
Several governments ideologically aligned with Trump have directly used his rhetoric and policies to violate human rights. El Salvador systematically tortured 252 Venezuelans deported from the U.S. upon arrival at the Cecot penitentiary center. Ecuador continued to characterize organized crime as an armed conflict, leading to a significant increase in enforced disappearances. And Argentina dismantled much of its career foreign service and abandoned historical positions on human rights in order to align with Trump and Netanyahu. The precedent being set is very serious for the entire region: an open disregard for international law.
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Alexander Díaz, alias Calarcá, el traidor de ‘Mordisco’ que le hizo ‘conejo’ a la paz total Photo:Archivo
The report suggests that the January 3rd military intervention in Venezuela could consolidate the dictatorship in the country. Why is this being argued, despite the U.S. framing it as a step toward democracy?
The U.S. military intervention in Venezuela only decapitated the regime, but did not prevent its continuation. Removing Maduro to install Delcy Rodríguez in power not only disregards the right of Venezuelans to freely choose their leaders, but also leaves the structure of repression and human rights violations intact. When Trump downplays the leadership of María Corina Machado and Edmundo González, he ignores the will expressed in the polls in July 2024. When Trump says that Delcy Rodríguez is a good woman, he ignores the fact that the Sebin – the intelligence agency responsible for a significant part of the repression and persecution against opponents and human rights defenders – formally reported to her as vice president, at least until 2021.
Therefore, unfortunately, I do not see the U.S. having an interest in promoting a transition to democracy. As long as they can extract oil and return migrants, I fear very little will change in Venezuela under Trump.
Are there any positive effects to be found?
The only real positive effect has been the release of more than 300 political prisoners who had been arbitrarily detained and, in many cases, held incommunicado and subjected to other serious abuses. However, there are still more than 700 political prisoners awaiting release.
Regarding Colombia, you conclude that Petro’s policy of “total peace” has resulted in greater control by illegal groups in rural communities. With Petro nearing the end of his term, does this equate to a failure of the initiative?
Unfortunately, Petro’s policy of “total peace” and human security has failed. Between 2022 and 2025, homicides, kidnappings, displacement, confinement, and the recruitment of minors increased. The ELN, dissident groups, and the Clan del Golfo expanded their territorial control and used the various negotiations to consolidate their control over the civilian population. Our field work in Catatumbo and Putumayo showed that the absence of an effective security policy in the territory, ceasefires that were not properly monitored or verified, and the implementation of agreements with groups while they remain armed put the civilian population at even greater risk.
Captura de Nicolás Maduro Photo:Archivo particular
The report notes that the U.S. often criticizes systematic human rights violations in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua, but ignores serious abuses in El Salvador, Ecuador, and Peru. Does this suggest a different valuation of human rights violations depending on where they occur?
This is a good example of the ideological use of human rights by the Trump administration. For decades, HRW has documented abuses committed under the dictatorships of Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua. We have accompanied the families of political prisoners, exposed abuses committed during the repression of protests and in prisons, and advocated for transitions to democracy. But that has never prevented us from denouncing the violations committed by the government of Bukele in El Salvador or the government of Noboa in Ecuador. Human rights are not about defending friends and attacking enemies. They are a rule for measuring all governments with the same yardstick, regardless of geopolitics.
I do not see the U.S. having an interest in promoting a transition to democracy. As long as they can extract oil and return migrants, I fear very little will change in Venezuela.
From HRW’s perspective, what is the main threat facing the region?
Organized crime and the way governments are responding to this phenomenon. We are the continent with the highest homicide rates in the world. The victims are mostly young, poor men, and most cases go unpunished. The most extreme case is Haiti, where gangs have come to control 90 percent of Port-au-Prince. In response to this threat, most countries in the region have oscillated between restrictive and permissive responses to rights.
El crimen organizado, uno de las principales amenazas de la región. Photo:AFP
El Salvador has detained more than 100,000 people with a total suspension of their due process. Governments in Honduras, Peru, El Salvador, and Ecuador have continued under prolonged states of exception. The premise is that, in order to have security, citizens must accept the restriction of their rights.
On the other hand, countries like Colombia and Peru have allowed criminality to continue to strengthen. In Peru, Congress openly legislated in favor of criminal organizations.
What is your warning?
If the democracies of Latin America fail to implement security policies that are both effective and protective of human rights, we will lose the battle against authoritarianism.
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How do Brazil and Mexico, the two largest countries in Latin America, stand in relation to Trump’s influence and the human rights situation in their own countries?
Claudia Sheinbaum and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva have attempted to lead a critical position on the impact of Trump in the region, while negotiating with him to avoid the negative impacts of his tariffs and sanctions. This has yielded good results in terms of trade and public opinion. But the contradiction with some of their domestic policies and foreign policy undermines their credibility.
The Trump administration has been characterized by a frontal attack on human rights and an open disregard for international law.
Donald Trump Photo:AFP
What have Brazil and Mexico prioritized?
Last year, a police raid in Rio de Janeiro resulted in 122 deaths. In total, more than 6,200 people, mostly Afro-descendants, lost their lives at the hands of the police in 2025. While security in Brazil depends on the governors, the Lula government has not sufficiently prioritized addressing this very serious phenomenon.
In Mexico, the government led a reform that secured control of the judiciary for Morena, the ruling party, significantly reducing judicial independence. And it has introduced broad reforms to intelligence that restrict the rights of all Mexicans. Neither Sheinbaum nor Lula were willing to collaborate with Edmundo González and María Corina Machado to promote a transition to democracy in Venezuela, despite reports from the UN panel of experts and the Carter Center recognizing Maduro’s electoral fraud in 2024.
If countries like Mexico and Brazil do not lead by example, it will not be possible to defend a credible vision of democracy and the rule of law based on respect for human rights and international law.
What is your assessment of advances or setbacks in human rights in the U.S. during this first year of Trump?
The Trump administration has been characterized by a frontal attack on human rights and an open disregard for international law. From the deportation of migrants violating their due process, to the mass dismissal of career civil servants and attacks on critical journalism, to the killing of American citizens by federal agents through the arbitrary use of force. It’s as if they want to return the country to 1950, before the civil rights and political movements.
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Nicolás Maduro se encontraba en el Fuerte Tiuna cuando fue capturado. Photo:AFP
Sadly, yes. Democracy has fallen to levels not seen since 1985. Today, 72 percent of the global population lives under autocracies. The United States, which once led a vision of the world based on liberal democracy, respect for international law, and human rights, is now actively working to dismantle that system. Reversing this trend is possible, but it will not be easy and will take a long time. We must restore confidence in democracy and human rights, and to achieve this, it is essential that there are democratic governments that deliver results in terms of security, poverty reduction, inequality, and the fight against corruption.
We are the continent with the highest homicide rates in the world.
Is there any country or situation in the region that gives you hope?
The government of (Bernardo) Arévalo in Guatemala is risking everything this semester with the election of judicial authorities. If the government is able to deliver a more independent judicial system, one that no longer is co-opted by corruption and organized crime, its legacy will transcend the borders of its country. I was also pleased to see President Rodrigo Paz in Bolivia finally prioritize judicial reform as a national priority. Hopefully, this will help stop using the justice system as a tool of political persecution against opponents in the country. But, in general, I always find hope in meeting with civil society organizations and local leaders who, despite everything, continue to fight for the defense of human rights and democracy in their countries.
