A key figure in the Motorist party’s foreign policy platform is advocating for a significant departure from the principles that have guided Czech diplomacy for decades. The debate comes as the incoming government weighs its options for the crucial post of Foreign Minister.
Table of Contents
- A key figure in the Motorist party’s foreign policy platform is advocating for a significant departure from the principles that have guided Czech diplomacy for decades. The debate comes as the incoming government weighs its options for the crucial post of Foreign Minister.
- Critics question whether abandoning the legacy of Václav Havel, a globally respected figure, could be a misstep for Czech foreign policy.
- The individual confirmed having influenced the formulation of the Motorist party’s foreign policy, which is part of a prospective coalition government with ANO and SPD. He addressed questions regarding whether the program should explicitly label Russia as an aggressor and security threat, as requested by the President.
- The debate surrounding the potential nomination of Filip Turek as Foreign Minister has been contentious.
- Concerns have been raised about Turek’s past social media posts, which have been described as racist.
- Does he believe Turek’s explanation that unknown individuals in a pub wrote the posts on his phone?
- Beyond the posts, Turek has been photographed wearing a helmet with the symbol of the Greek neo-Nazi group Golden Dawn and giving a raised-hand salute.
- Given his two decades in the European Parliament, does he anticipate potential sensitivities from foreign partners regarding Turek’s past?
- Would he be interested in the position of Foreign Minister himself?
- He played a role in shaping the Motorist party’s foreign policy program. Does he believe his experience would be valuable in a leadership role?
- Would he consider a position as Deputy Foreign Minister?
- Is he seeking the role of National Security Advisor, similar to Pojar’s position?
- Would he work within Turek’s team or directly with Prime Minister Andrej Babiš?
- What are his thoughts on the conflict between the President and Babiš over a conflict of interest?
- How does he envision the country’s foreign policy being shaped with President Petr Pavel, Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, Foreign Minister Turek, and Speaker of the Chamber Tomio Okamura all involved?
- Does he agree with Okamura’s decision to remove the Ukrainian flag from the Chamber of Deputies?
- But the Israeli flag remains on the Chamber. How should that be interpreted?
- And will the approach to Ukraine also change? Does he support the cancellation of the ammunition initiative?
- What does he think of the criticism of the initiative from the ANO movement? Does he understand it?
- Do the Motorist party share his views?
- He has been labeled a pro-China politician, having founded a group for friendship between the EU and China during his time in the European Parliament. He advocated for improving relations. Would he pursue this if he became an advisor on foreign policy?
- But does he agree that Chinese technology could pose a security risk?
- But China also supports Russia, which is waging an aggressive war against Ukraine.
- Aren’t we doing it better?
- The Motorist program states that “individual freedom is the highest entity and a society in which basic civil rights are respected” and that “cooperation with regimes in which they are violated is unacceptable.” It also rules out dialogue with totalitarian countries such as North Korea and Belarus.
- But why? Even in China, human rights are violated. What is happening to the Uyghurs is also a problem.
- So, you are concerned about human rights violations in Belarus, but not about their violations in China?
The shift in direction is clearly outlined in the government’s program, according to the individual. “We want to restore relationships in Central Europe, specifically the Visegrád Four, and establish standard relations with all key global powers – including China and the United States,” he said. “Notably absent from the program are any mentions of human rights issues or what’s been termed ‘the Havelian policy.’ This means an end to lecturing, mentoring, and a condescending approach, because it has proven ineffective and has often created more problems.”
Critics question whether abandoning the legacy of Václav Havel, a globally respected figure, could be a misstep for Czech foreign policy.
“That was true 30 years ago, in a unipolar world when Václav Havel was president,” he countered. “That’s an old tune. Today, the world looks different; it’s multipolar. Even the United States acknowledges this. A segment of the establishment, which has held executive power until now, is not prepared for a multipolar world. They believe our mission is to preach human rights and be a beacon of that approach.”
The individual confirmed having influenced the formulation of the Motorist party’s foreign policy, which is part of a prospective coalition government with ANO and SPD. He addressed questions regarding whether the program should explicitly label Russia as an aggressor and security threat, as requested by the President.
“I wasn’t involved in those discussions, I’m not a member of the Motorist party, nor was I part of their negotiating team. However, some of my formulations were incorporated, and I’m pleased about that. Whether anything is added is up to them. I have no objections to them adding it if they reach an agreement; I won’t interfere.”
The debate surrounding the potential nomination of Filip Turek as Foreign Minister has been contentious.
“I think that’s settled now. The whole rather strange story about secretly hiding old screenshots has died down,” he said.
“I don’t know if he even wrote them. That’s a big question. He may have written some, he may not have. ”
Does he believe Turek’s explanation that unknown individuals in a pub wrote the posts on his phone?
“I believe that when someone holds onto alleged screenshots of alleged authentic Facebook posts for a year and a half, only to present them later, it raises suspicions about their authenticity.”
Beyond the posts, Turek has been photographed wearing a helmet with the symbol of the Greek neo-Nazi group Golden Dawn and giving a raised-hand salute.
“I’m not addressing that. It’s in the hands of Mr. Babiš and the President. I’ve known Turek for a year and a half and haven’t seen any indication that he’s an extremist or, God forbid, a Nazi.”
“I haven’t known him as an extremist or, heaven forbid, a Nazi.”
Given his two decades in the European Parliament, does he anticipate potential sensitivities from foreign partners regarding Turek’s past?
“I think it will blow over, and he will be seen as a standard constitutional official and a standard Foreign Minister. If he is appointed and makes one of his first foreign visits to Israel, you’ll see things calm down quickly.”
Would he be interested in the position of Foreign Minister himself?
“No one is offering it to me. That question is unrealistic.”
He played a role in shaping the Motorist party’s foreign policy program. Does he believe his experience would be valuable in a leadership role?
“No one is offering it to me, and I’m not offering myself. There’s no point in elaborating on that.”
Would he consider a position as Deputy Foreign Minister?
“I’m definitely not interested in a bureaucratic position, which a Deputy Minister is. I’ve mentioned several times that I admire the position Tomáš Pojar built for himself, influencing foreign policy directly with the Prime Minister without being a Member of Parliament or Minister. That would suit me. A role as an advisor or strategist.”
Is he seeking the role of National Security Advisor, similar to Pojar’s position?
“I’m not interested in that particular job. I’m more concerned with the influence he had. I don’t want to be a National Security Advisor, but rather an advisor on foreign policy. I’m not interested in reading classified materials, and I wouldn’t even be able to, because I don’t have the necessary clearances. I’m interested in the strategic direction of foreign policy. If Filip Turek takes office, we have a certain idea of how that could be done.”
Would he work within Turek’s team or directly with Prime Minister Andrej Babiš?
“I certainly communicate with Mr. Babiš. But we don’t know how things will develop in the coming months.”
“There are several scenarios. Look at what happened in 2017. Andrej Babiš won the election, formed a government, but didn’t receive a vote of confidence in the Chamber of Deputies. He then governed in a caretaker capacity for half a year before forming a second government, which did receive a vote of confidence, but without a Foreign Minister because President Zeman didn’t want Miroslav Poche. Then, another three months were spent resolving the position of Foreign Minister. So, how can I know if President Zeman will appoint Turek?”
“The Motorist party will have to decide whether they want to be in the government under those conditions or simply tolerate it. Or it could all turn out differently, and the President could appoint all the ministers by mid-December, or not, and the portfolios could be reshuffled in the government… There are five or six possible outcomes. Let’s not take anything for granted.”
What are his thoughts on the conflict between the President and Babiš over a conflict of interest?
“I don’t care about that at all. I see it as a psychological game. We’ll see who pulls the longer end of the rope.”
How does he envision the country’s foreign policy being shaped with President Petr Pavel, Prime Minister Andrej Babiš, Foreign Minister Turek, and Speaker of the Chamber Tomio Okamura all involved?
“Just look at the Constitution to see who has what powers. When critics accused Miloš Zeman of certain actions, they said he couldn’t do them because the government was responsible for foreign policy. Let’s stick to that.”
Does he agree with Okamura’s decision to remove the Ukrainian flag from the Chamber of Deputies?
“It doesn’t bother me at all. I looked at the law, and flags of foreign countries should only fly on state buildings in certain cases. Yes, there was symbolism when Russia invaded Ukraine, but that was three years ago. The elections are a good excuse to return to a standard regime. The flag can continue to fly from the window of Člověk v tísni and other humanitarian organizations, but it doesn’t need to fly on the Chamber of Deputies.”
But the Israeli flag remains on the Chamber. How should that be interpreted?
“That’s the same story, so I acknowledge that there’s a double standard in that regard.”
And will the approach to Ukraine also change? Does he support the cancellation of the ammunition initiative?
“I don’t think it will be canceled. There’s a lot of talk about it, but once the calculations are done and it’s found that Czech business is profiting from it, a way will be found to continue. I’ve heard voices from ANO saying that audits are needed, and I have nothing against that. Let’s put aside the moral side of things, but even from the perspective of Czech business, the ammunition initiative is good. It’s a kind of marketplace with a center in the Czech Republic, and contacts can be established for the future.”
“But we need to be prepared for the possibility that when a ceasefire or peace agreement is reached, a condition of the agreement may be to stop deliveries of weapons.”
What does he think of the criticism of the initiative from the ANO movement? Does he understand it?
“They have the right to do so. I don’t know if it’s just preparation for a change in approach or if they really want to stop it. They will discuss it with their coalition partners and, I hope, with the American administration of Donald Trump.”
“The Motorist party is not against the initiative. I haven’t noticed any objections. Perhaps it would be good to reveal the financial flows behind the initiative. I don’t want to speculate. But in principle, I see it as a useful step.”
He has been labeled a pro-China politician, having founded a group for friendship between the EU and China during his time in the European Parliament. He advocated for improving relations. Would he pursue this if he became an advisor on foreign policy?
“I laugh at the label ‘pro-China.’ No one can prove that I’ve done anything illegal or immoral. The China Friendship Group operated under my leadership for 14 months, then I dissolved it. And those 14 months fell during the COVID period, so it was non-functional. It met once at its founding meeting in October 2019, and that was it. It was over in December 2020.”
“But yes, we need to return to the mainstream of European relations with China. I’ve never heard of a President of the Bundestag making a quasi-state visit to Taiwan. Only the President of the Czech Senate, Vystrčil, and the Speaker of the Chamber, Pekarová, have done that. And the result is that today there are only two countries in the entire Union that have visa requirements for China – the Czech Republic and Lithuania. All the others have visa-free travel. Why is that? Because of Taiwan.”
“We need to stop making these gestures. I want to have a normal, standard communication with China, like Germany, France, Italy, and the entire EU, except for us. That doesn’t mean we need to bow to it.”
But does he agree that Chinese technology could pose a security risk?
“Yes. Neither the Germans, the French, nor others allow China into critical infrastructure. They also take care to avoid Chinese investment in ports and infrastructure projects. They don’t let Chinese companies into information technology. That’s okay. We should do the same. But that doesn’t mean we won’t talk to China.”
But China also supports Russia, which is waging an aggressive war against Ukraine.
“Okay, but other European countries know that too, and they still communicate with it normally.”
Aren’t we doing it better?
“We’re not better, we’re just more foolish. No one else in the Union does this. If we want to play moral beacons, I’m fundamentally against it. I don’t want to serve the world as a moral beacon and wave a portrait of Václav Havel.”
The Motorist program states that “individual freedom is the highest entity and a society in which basic civil rights are respected” and that “cooperation with regimes in which they are violated is unacceptable.” It also rules out dialogue with totalitarian countries such as North Korea and Belarus.
But why? Even in China, human rights are violated. What is happening to the Uyghurs is also a problem.
“I didn’t write that formulation. The program states that we want to have standard relations with all world powers except Russia.”
So, you are concerned about human rights violations in Belarus, but not about their violations in China?
“I wouldn’t compare Belarus to China. Belarus belongs to the European civilization, while China belongs to another. We can debate for a long time about what China is. Whether it’s just a country or an entire distinct civilization. I’m a supporter of the latter view. It’s a country that has grown into a global power, and it’s necessary to communicate with it. In 2024, our exports to China amounted to $3.3 billion, or 60 or 70 billion crowns. It’s not our biggest trading partner, but it’s not a negligible amount.”
