Political scientist Oskar Krejčí offered a nuanced perspective on the geopolitical positioning of the Czech Republic and Slovakia during a recent appearance on the XTV program Za čárou. Krejčí, discussing his book Geopolitics of Central Europe. A View from Prague and Bratislava, explored past models for statehood and the evolving strategic landscape of the region, particularly considering recent security developments. The conversation touched on the implications of arms deals – specifically the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets – and shifting alliances for the Czech Republic’s role in Europe.
Political scientist Oskar Krejčí discussed his book, *Geopolitics of Central Europe. A View from Prague and Bratislava*, which has now reached its sixth edition, during an appearance on the XTV program *Za čárou*, hosted by Luboš Xaver Veselý. The conversation began with a question about the geopolitical positioning of the Czech Republic. “Are we in the West?” Veselý asked.
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“The first thing that strikes you when you professionally study political science is that there’s a lot of literature on international relations, but most of it concerns major powers,” Krejčí explained. “We’re talking about how relationships between China and the United States are formed. We’re talking about how relationships between Russia and Western Europe are formed. But where is there thought given to the laws governing the behavior of a small state? What are the options for a small state? This book, unlike international politics of the USA or the geopolitics of China, is about small states. How they can behave in the heart of Europe in any way,” he said.
He added, “When you ask yourself these questions, you find that you’re not the first to ask them, and that you can find at least three different models in the Czech Republic and Slovakia that suggest how the political elite should behave if they want to ensure the existence of the Czech and Slovak nations or secure our national interests.”
František, T. G. Masaryk, and Ľudovít Štúr and Eight Forms of Czech Statehood
The discussion then turned to historical models for Czech and Slovak statehood. Krejčí identified the first as stemming from historian and politician František Palacký, advocating for a federalized Austria and the creation of a supranational entity strong enough to withstand conflicts with major powers. “When Palacký wrote this, there was a threat from Germany and from Russia. Then there’s Masaryk’s model, which says how an independent small national state should behave. How to find its position in a changing balance within Europe as a whole. The third model is Štúr’s, which is Pan-Slavic, meaning that the interests of small nations, such as the Slovak and Czech nations, are best secured through alliance with large Slavic nations, specifically with Russia,” Krejčí explained.
He continued, “When you ask yourself these questions, you find that you’re not the first to ask them, and that you can find at least three different models in the Czech Republic and Slovakia that suggest how the political elite should behave if they want to ensure the existence of the Czech and Slovak nations or secure our national interests.”
Krejčí noted that Czechoslovakia did not emerge according to any of these three models, and none of them proved sustainable in a changing European landscape. “During the twentieth century, we have eight forms of Czech statehood – part of Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, the Munich Agreement, occupation, and so on,” he said.
The host inquired about a comparison between small countries like the Czech Republic and Switzerland. “That’s also a small country, but it’s like comparing apples and oranges,” Veselý remarked.
Fotogalerie: - Československo v Darney
Krejčí emphasized the importance of considering the terrain. “The terrain available to Switzerland is unusual and unique. European balance is concretized in the Swiss mountains into three nations, and the balance is strong. Not to mention that conquering Switzerland is no easy feat, as shown during the time of William Tell. Our territory is very specific. Slovakia, where a nation without history lives, is part of the Danube Lowland, centuries connected with the Kingdom of Hungary,” he explained.
Historically, he argued, a political elite in Slovakia was practically nonexistent, and the intellectual elite, in the form of priests, was also recruited from the Hungarian ethnic group. The nobility was also Hungarian, while in the Czech lands, the pre-White Mountain nobility was genuinely Czech. “The main political axis in Europe runs from London to Paris, Berlin, then Warsaw, Minsk, Moscow. Napoleon, Hitler, and even the Red Army marched to Berlin along this line,” Krejčí stressed.
A secondary axis, he said, runs from the Rhine to Vienna, Budapest, and Istanbul. “There are two main geopolitical axes in Europe, and both miss us, both the Czechs and the Slovaks. We think we are very important because we are in the center of Europe, but in reality, we are geopolitically uninteresting,” Krejčí stated.
We are interesting to the Germans because the shortest route from Berlin to Vienna leads through Prague. “But when the Red Army goes West, it first occupies Vienna, then occupies Berlin, and only then does it go to Prague, because that area is relatively uninteresting,” the political scientist clarified.
F-35s Turn Previously Uninteresting Czech Republic into a Target
The situation changed, he argued, when an agreement with the United States allowed for the use of eleven locations for the U.S. military. “Once you buy F-35s and prepare the infrastructure for them in basic security documents, you make the Czech Republic a legitimate target for the missiles of a potential adversary. Previously, we were completely uninteresting. Today, we are interesting as terrain. You prepare the infrastructure, the technical background, so that they can land here. F-35s in American ownership are in Germany and Belgium, and they also have nuclear weapons there. When you deploy F-35s, you can also use the infrastructure in the Czech Republic or Slovakia based on the agreements that the original five-party coalition concluded with the USA, so conditions have been created for a completely different geopolitical characteristic of the Czech Republic and Slovakia,” Krejčí emphasized.
He then discussed the visit of Tomio Okamura to Slovakia. When asked by the host if relations with Slovakia would improve, he replied that they would normalize. “Our above-standard relations with Slovakia are based on a common past, on common interests of small nations in the middle of Europe. Once they are broken, we are an island in a German sea.”
The incoming coalition and future opposition are now competing for Slovakia, which will strengthen relations. The Czech opposition is now preparing to meet with the Slovak opposition. “We will have relations at the coalition level and relations at the opposition level. It will be a peculiar situation. I don’t mind it,” the political scientist said.
The most important thing, he said, is that relations between Czechs and Slovaks are as good as possible.
He also commented on U.S.-Russian talks regarding the war in Ukraine. “The diplomacy we are experiencing in recent years around the Ukrainian conflict is atypical. We have become accustomed to the fact that pressure through the public is part of diplomatic negotiations. There are dramatic outbursts, mainly from the Ukrainian president, following any diplomatic negotiations. Politicians try to create the impression that they have succeeded. They involve the public in political conflicts, we have become accustomed to it. Now we are returning to a situation of classical diplomacy, where the conclusions are not published. The 28 points presented by the US can be interpreted as a draft treaty or as topics for discussion. The US is trying to get into the role of mediator, to mediate negotiations, to present topics to be discussed. It succeeded,” Krejčí said.
A move away from “hype” diplomacy means that negotiations must be longer. “We have gotten into a different situation than we are used to. There are again classical diplomatic negotiations full of secrets,” the political scientist explained.
