The Trump administration unveiled a new national security strategy December 5th that signals a significant shift in U.S. policy toward latin America, reviving elements of the Monroe Doctrine and prioritizing the exclusion of external powers like China and Russia. The strategy, which some analys
Washington has outlined a new approach to national security and foreign policy that signals a renewed focus on Latin America, raising concerns about potential shifts in regional dynamics. The strategy, unveiled on December 5, 2025, reflects a more assertive U.S. posture toward its southern neighbors, prompting debate about its implications for democracy and international influence.
While some elements of the current administration’s approach echo policies initiated during the early months of Donald Trump’s presidency, the explicit articulation of U.S. hegemonic ambitions in the region has stirred unease among Latin American nations. The strategy revives aspects of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which asserted U.S. dominance in the Western Hemisphere, and expresses opposition to the involvement of countries outside the region – specifically naming China, Russia, and Iran.
A Return to U.S. Influence in the Region
“Trump’s security strategy marks a departure from over two decades where Washington’s attention toward Latin America was often intermittent,” explained Guillermo García, a senior advisor at the Argentine Council for International Relations. “The events of September 11, 2001, shifted the U.S. agenda almost entirely to the Middle East, leaving the region largely overlooked.”
“Whether one agrees with it or not, Trump is the first U.S. president to return to a strategic focus south of the Rio Grande with an explicit and sustained approach,” García told DW.
Michael Shifter, an expert on Latin American politics and a professor at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service, also noted that “Latin America is more on Trump’s radar than ever before.” However, he cautioned that the administration’s security strategy – sometimes referred to as the “Trump Doctrine” – “consists largely of an unpredictable mix of instinct, resentment, and ego.”
“It’s not defined by national or strategic interests, unlike previous administrations, including the first term of Trump,” Shifter, former president of the Inter-American Dialogue think tank, asserted.
The most tangible consequences of the strategy, according to Shifter, include increased “militarization and intervention in national electoral or judicial processes, as has been evident in Brazil, Argentina, and Honduras.”
Transnational Threats and a Shifting Landscape
The new security strategy identifies migration, organized crime, and the influence of external powers as key concerns. It emphasizes border security as a cornerstone of national security, stating, “The era of mass migration must end. We must protect our country from invasion, not only from uncontrolled migration but also from transnational threats such as terrorism, drugs, espionage, and human trafficking.”
According to Maureen Meyer, vice president for programs at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a significant shift is the absence of democracy as a central tenet of Washington’s agenda for Latin America. “This effectively gives a green light to more authoritarian leaders,” she said.
“Trump seeks to expand the number of partners in the region,” Shifter continued, “but not through shared values and interests, rather through pressure and a system of rewards and punishments.”
Meyer believes the “Trump Doctrine” demonstrates that the administration “is not interested in promoting democracy or human rights, or working with other countries to address global issues such as poverty or climate change.” She fears Washington may withdraw support from human rights organizations, independent journalists, and other actors working to strengthen the rule of law in Latin America.
The diverse political landscape of Latin America suggests a varied response to the new U.S. strategy. Michael Shifter observed that the reaction will “depend on a number of factors, including the nature of the leaders, their political orientation, the interests and capabilities of different countries, their dependence on the U.S., and their economic and political ties with other global partners.”
Guillermo García believes some regional governments are closely watching the relationship between Trump and Argentine President Javier Milei, to see “if that rapprochement translates into growth, investment, and greater predictability; those results will largely determine the reconfiguration of alignments in the hemisphere.”
Brazil, for its part, “will continue to promote the BRICS nations – which now include China, Russia, and Iran, in addition to other countries – as a tool to expand its room for maneuver,” according to the CARI expert.
Mexico, due to its deep ties with the U.S., appears to have limited options beyond adopting a pragmatic stance, while countries like Argentina, El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Paraguay, Peru, Ecuador, and Guatemala are seen as potential allies based on their willingness to cooperate on issues like migration control and drug trafficking.
Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela are considered adversaries. Depending on the outcome of elections in Honduras, the new government there could also be viewed as an opponent if Nasry Asfura, Trump’s preferred candidate, is not declared the winner.
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