In a recent interview with Interia,Konfederacja co-leader Krzysztof Bosak addressed growing public support for Grzegorz Braun‘s party and outlined teh key differences between the two right-wing political forces in Poland. Bosak acknowledged a shift in the Polish political landscape, with voters expressing increasing dissatisfaction with established parties, while also touching on his party’s stance on relations with Ukraine and its response to President Zelenskyy’s recent visit to Warsaw. The interview offers insight into the internal dynamics of Poland’s right-wing opposition and potential future coalitions.
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Krzysztof Bosak komentuje rosnące poparcie dla partii Grzegorza Brauna i wskazuje, co różni jego formację.
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Bosak wskazuje na przesunięcie nastrojów społecznych w stronę bardziej radykalnych postulatów oraz rozczarowanie wyborców dotychczasowymi elitami politycznymi.
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Współlider Konfederacji komentuje także relacje polsko-ukraińskie i ostatnią wizytę Wołodymyra Zełenskiego w Warszawie.
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Więcej ważnych informacji znajdziesz na stronie głównej Interii
Marta Kurzyńska, Interia: Irytuje pana fakt, że partia Grzegorza Brauna depcze wam po piętach, a w ostatnim sondażu nawet przegania?
Krzysztof Bosak, leader Konfederacji and a member of Parliament, said it’s too early to draw conclusions from a single poll, but acknowledged the growing support for Grzegorz Braun’s political initiative. “Let’s wait for other polls to see if this is actually a trend,” Bosak stated. “But generally, we can conclude that Braun exceeding the electoral threshold indicates a demand for a more radical message than what is accepted in public debate or the media.”
The rise of Braun’s party reflects a broader shift in Polish public opinion, according to Bosak, with voters increasingly disillusioned with the established political elite. He suggested Konfederacja is considering how to respond to this changing landscape.
Asked how Konfederacja plans to respond, Bosak said, “We are convinced of what we are doing, which means, on the one hand, anchoring ourselves in our political ideas and values, and on the other hand, building political professionalism to enable the implementation of the program when governing the country.”
Bosak dismissed the idea of simply mirroring Braun’s more extreme rhetoric. “Sometimes you have to say things more strongly, or be prepared for street actions, and we are also taking such actions,” he said. “I think we do so to a greater extent than our competitors from other parties. The anti-immigrant demonstrations we have held in dozens of places across the country are evidence of this. We do not intend to compete on radicalism or provocation.”
He emphasized Konfederacja’s commitment to presenting its ideology in a way that allows it to compete for leadership on the right and for national leadership.
Regarding Polish-Ukrainian relations and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s recent visit to Warsaw, Bosak said, “What we say in Konfederacja is not a matter of political tactics, but an expression of our views. That will not change.”
“Every politician claims they are motivated by pure intentions,” Bosak added.
“I believe that in many fundamental issues, such as lockdowns, laws granting privileges to Ukrainians, climate policy, and migration issues, we said things that were politically incorrect before they became fashionable. We have a capacity to speak about minority views, which are often called radical in the media. We don’t need to prove anything in that regard. However, we certainly do not intend to engage in radicalism or provocation as a political tactic. I believe this is possible, but unnecessary.”
Asked if Konfederacja would become more radical given the apparent demand, Bosak responded, “Sometimes you have to say things more strongly, or be prepared for street actions, and we are also taking such actions. I think we do so to a greater extent than our competitors from other parties. The anti-immigrant demonstrations we have held in dozens of places across the country are evidence of this. We do not intend to compete on radicalism or provocation.”
He stated the party aims to showcase its ideology in a way that allows it to compete for leadership on the right and for national leadership.
Regarding potentially amplifying anti-Ukrainian messaging, Bosak said, “What we say in Konfederacja is not a matter of political tactics, but an expression of our views. That will not change.”
If I liked it, I would join Grzegorz Braun’s party. I am convinced of the quality and style of our political work.
Why is the ruling Law and Justice party (PiS) losing support to Braun?
“Because it’s no longer clear what PiS’s program is,” Bosak explained. “Instead of addressing issues substantively, it focuses on its internal divisions. I believe voters are much further to the right than the offer of the so-called center-right. Across Europe, center-right parties are losing support to alternative right-wing parties. What is interesting in Poland is that we currently have two such parties, not one. And I think the difference in style of politics, presented by Grzegorz Braun on one hand and Konfederacja on the other, naturally translates into a different voter base. Some people like a more restrained and professional approach, while others prefer a more confrontational and controversial approach.”
Asked if his long-standing collaboration with Braun indicates a growing radicalization, Bosak said, “It seems to me that the situation with Grzegorz Braun is stable. There has been increased media focus on him recently. However, as for his inclination towards various unconventional actions, it has always been the same.” He chuckled.
Regarding the legal challenges and accusations against Braun, Bosak said, “For the good of Poland, we are ready to cooperate with anyone. However, we are currently taking separate paths. We are developing and training personnel. We are building our expert base to be ready to implement our program when governing the country. You can also observe how Braun’s party works in specific electoral districts, in the Sejm, and in the European Parliament and draw conclusions from that. Some people will like it, others less so.”
“If I liked it, I would join Grzegorz Braun’s party. I am convinced of the quality and style of our political work. And when we were still together, I saw that difference every day.”
Is a coalition with Braun’s party a possibility, despite these issues? “It’s a rhetorical question,” Bosak said. “We are competing. But anyone who wants to consider possible coalitions at this point is engaging in an intellectual exercise, nothing more. My preferred scenario is to remove the current parties from parliament and achieve a majority for Konfederacja and other new lists.”
“That seems unrealistic,” he was told. “We want completely new people in the Sejm, preferably from several new political lists with a dominant share for Konfederacja. That is the maximum plan.”
The ruling parties claim Konfederacja would be a disaster for Poland, warning of a rising “brown wave” that must be stopped. “It’s a waste of time to comment on such offensive barbs,” Bosak said.
Could internal squabbles harm PiS? “It is a sign of expansion and a certain weakness of political leadership. Of course, there is competition in every party. But as a rule, politicians take care not to conduct it publicly, because ultimately everyone loses. If public quarrels occur, it is always a negative signal for voters, a signal of some kind of crisis.”
“Organizationally and technically, PiS manages itself perfectly. But some of these disputes are of a personnel nature, with an underlying ideological subtext.”
Is PiS searching for a new identity? “There is a debate about whether PiS should be a centrist party, a technocratic party, or a sovereign right-wing party. There are great tensions surrounding Mateusz Morawiecki, but not only him. There are more ambiguous figures there.”
Will Morawiecki achieve his goals? Is he too burdened and too centrist? “The situation in PiS is stable. The fate of each politician depends on the will of the party leader.”
Perhaps some are already chafing at that stability? “This factional rivalry takes place in a controlled environment. No one will oppose the party leader there. They are just eager to attack each other. It’s a kind of courtly intrigue in a court created by the party leader.”
Was it a mistake for Jarosław Kaczyński not to attend the vote on the animal welfare law? “I don’t feel that it had any significance.”
“It showed a lack of approach: ‘I don’t know what to do, so I will eliminate the need to choose?’” he was asked. “PiS, and especially Jarosław Kaczyński, is an inconsistent party when it comes to animals.”
“It’s a typical parliamentary tactic of politicians who either sincerely or by compulsion support something they know is unpopular. I am surprised that they supported a bad bill. It’s good that they didn’t join the attempt to reject the president’s veto.”
Why was it a bad bill, in your opinion? “Dog kennels can be useful if they are created voluntarily, but if they are created compulsorily, they become simply an expensive obligation. Suffice it to say that the obligation to control this would fall on the police, for example. And the size of the kennel was dependent on the weight of the dog, which would lead to the absurdity that the police would have to walk around with scales for dogs to farms to control it. I have the impression that legislators sometimes have no limits in their legislative temperament except the boundaries of their imagination. The effect is that they generate absurdities.”
Animal rights advocates don’t see it as absurd.
“We have tens of thousands of dog bites in Poland every year, and the question is who will be responsible for all the dogs released from the leash, because it is easy to say that the owner is responsible, but much harder to enforce it. The state is currently helpless against dogs that leave the property and bite people.”

The government is preparing a bill regarding Ukrainians. It stipulates that after March 26, 2024, all Ukrainians will be treated like other foreigners? Will you agree with the government on this issue?
“This is simply the implementation of our postulates expressed two years ago, so you could say ‘better late than never.’ It’s a shame that the government and the president had to change in the meantime for our country to start working on a reasonable policy in this area.”
Are you praising the government?
“I’m just glad that the government is starting to consider implementing our postulates.”
What is the political significance of President Zelenskyy’s visit to Poland?
“To avert a creeping crisis in relations between the presidents of both countries, but nothing more. I didn’t expect Zelenskyy to come with anything concrete to Poland, so I’m not surprised that nothing was announced.”
“Kyiv receives everything from Warsaw without any effort, so it doesn’t have to work hard or lean towards our expectations. President Zelenskyy delivered a set of standard phrases of Ukrainian diplomacy laced with false symmetry in the description of the Ukrainian genocide in Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland, but I’m afraid few people noticed. Worth noting is the embarrassing behavior of some MPs who behaved like Zelenskyy’s fans, chasing him around the Sejm to bask in the idol’s glow. At the same time, the prime minister is involving our country in financing Ukraine through the EU and handing over more planes. So Zelenskyy leaves Poland with very expensive gifts, and Poland gets nothing and is left with huge costs for decades to come.”
Reported by Marta Kurzyńska