UdeA: What’s Next After Rector Arboleda’s Removal?

The University of Antioquia is facing a period of uncertainty following a critical evaluation of its former rector, John Jairo Arboleda, and his subsequent removal by the Ministry of Education. The situation highlights ongoing tensions within the institution and raises questions about its future direction.

Sources within the university indicate a sense of closure regarding Arboleda’s leadership. “I think we all have to understand that this is over, that this administration is closed,” one source stated. The appointment of Arboleda to a third term reportedly caused divisions, with some feeling a change in leadership was necessary. “Many things happened that left open wounds and, possibly, a desire for revenge. There was a broad sector that no longer wanted him to continue as rector. In practice, neither the National Government nor the Governorate supported him,” the source said, despite representatives from both entities voting in favor of his designation.

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This dissatisfaction was reflected in the University Council’s (CSU) rating of 1.7 out of 5.0 for Arboleda’s administration. “That was a factor that ended up delegitimizing him even more and began to translate into a lack of governance within the University,” said Pablo Patiño, a researcher and former vice-rector.

Some in Antioquia believe the concern from the Antioquia Governorate—whose governor, Andrés Julián Rendón, called the removal decision a blow to autonomy and announced measures in response—stems not from a defense of the rector, but from a perception that President Petro “got ahead” of them.

“It’s contradictory. The governor was the first to say that the rector is a very bad manager, he hasn’t publicly defended him, but now he thinks the measures are not appropriate. It seems his annoyance is that he couldn’t change him himself, but the Ministry did,” said María Isabel Duque Roldán, a professor representative on the CSU. “We maintain that we must separate the defense of the University from the defense of this administration. We have said it in every way: this administration has been unable to control spending and manage the institution’s financial crisis.”

Duque expressed concern over political infighting. Individuals who attended CSU meetings at the University of Antioquia over the past year described tense gatherings marked by insults, accusations, and even walkouts, particularly between representatives of the national government and the Governorate.

This context complicates the question of whether the rector’s removal is an attack on university autonomy. “We can’t put all the blame on the National Government regarding autonomy. The governor has not facilitated that relationship between the Superior Council and the University. His positions, both as president of the CSU and as governor, have involved discrediting not only the rector, but the University itself. I think that has also led the Ministry of Education to respond in this way, as it can read the existence of an interest, from the departmental government, to exercise political control over the University,” Patiño explained.

Even within the institution, some believe the debate about autonomy should be examined more deeply, a view they hesitate to express publicly due to the potential for tension. “Internally, we sometimes assume autonomy as an absolute principle, as if we don’t have to be accountable to society. I think that’s a mistake. Autonomy must be accompanied by responsibility in actions, and many do not understand that,” a former vice-rector told us.

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One potential outcome is that Arboleda may resign, triggering the application of Article 46 of the General Statute. This would task the President of the CSU with appointing an interim rector—a position currently held by Governor Rendón. This scenario could lead to a legal impasse with two competing rectors—one appointed by the Governorate and one by the Ministry of Education.

Another possibility is that Arboleda’s removal is finalized and Héctor Iván García García, appointed by the Ministry, formally assumes leadership. Sources close to García say he views his role as transitional, focused on stabilizing the university rather than implementing his own agenda.

Several people within the University are familiar with García. “He’s a man of the house,” one professor with years of experience at the institution said. García is a physician and professor. He currently directs the Institute of Medical Research and, while he hasn’t held central administrative positions like vice-rector or dean, he has served on university governing bodies, including as a professor representative on the CSU and on the board of directors of the now-questioned University of Antioquia Foundation.

“We don’t know what his administrative experience is to lead a university in crisis,” Duque said cautiously. García would have to address a 2026 budget that the inspector deemed underfunded. The Vice-Rectorate of Administration projected a deficit of COP 111 billion for this year. To mitigate this, the administration proposed a spending reduction of approximately COP 100 billion, but departments accepted a much smaller cut, leaving an operational shortfall of COP 63.367 billion for 2026.

While this appears to be an improvement, the inspector appointed by the Ministry, Angielly Paola Martínez Ruiz, pointed out two critical issues. First, the Vicerectorate’s COP 111 billion projection for 2026 omitted liabilities—unpaid payroll, benefits, and supplier debts totaling COP 134.556 billion as of December 2025. Even with the proposed austerity plan, the shortfall wouldn’t be COP 63.367 billion, but COP 197.923 billion, according to the inspector.

Martínez also criticized the austerity plan, arguing it disproportionately impacts the university’s core mission. She questioned proposed cuts to dedicated faculty positions (COP 7.989 billion), the non-replacement of approximately 170 professors on leave, a reduction of COP 18.388 billion in teaching hours, and the elimination of consulting contracts. Additionally, the decision to shift funding for strategic programs like Regionalization, PIFLE (languages), and gender policies (totaling COP 24.800 billion) from general funds to investment sources or stamps was also flagged.

Furthermore, Martínez warned that the adjustments rely on uncertain funding sources. The budget includes COP 17.784 billion pending additional government recognition, which is not confirmed, and proposes covering part of the deficit with a loan of COP 45.493 billion. The inspection found this doesn’t solve the problem, but increases interest payments and shifts the pressure to 2027, deepening a cycle of illiquidity.

The University of Antioquia responded in a document dated December 16th, addressed to the inspector, stating that its budget formulation has been a technical, transparent, and participatory process. Regarding the proposed cuts, the university maintains they were conceived with a focus on optimization, not dismantling core functions, and are based on criteria of efficiency, better use of installed capacity, and substitution of funding sources.

Regarding what Martínez identifies as uncertain income, the institution affirms that its projections are truthful and supported by consistent historical data, rejecting any allegations of improvisation. This budgetary scenario does not include the eventual injection of COP 70 billion announced by the National Government following the announcement of Arboleda’s departure and García’s appointment.

“When we meet with him [García], we will ask him to surround himself with a team of experts,” Duque said. Representatives from her sector hope García will be open to discussing changes to the University’s statutes, including more participatory election mechanisms for leadership, eliminating the possibility of reelection, and reviewing other provisions they believe have been detrimental.

A third scenario involves a complete institutional deadlock: Arboleda refusing to resign (his term legally extends until 2027), the Ministry’s measures being suspended pending legal challenges, and the University of Antioquia becoming trapped in a gray area with an unlegitimized rector and competing governing bodies operating under constant tension between the Governorate and the National Government.

All of this unfolds in the lead-up to presidential and legislative elections.

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